Tiny island
group is ready to lead demands that UK, France and Netherlands pay reparations
for transatlantic slave trade
The Guardian, The Observer, Stephen Gibbs, Saturday 9 November 2013
St Vincent prime minister Ralph Gonsalves with schoolchildren on independence day. Photograph: Eduardo Duwe for the Observer |
St Vincent and the Grenadines. A string of islands that stands out in Caribbean holiday
brochures as the destination with the most turquoise of waters, the most
pristine of white-sand beaches. Home to the ultra-exclusive private island and
celebrity hangout Mustique. Yachting paradise. A population of only 110,000.
Now it is
becoming the perhaps unexpected centre of a pan-Caribbean move to redress one
of the great horrors of the 19th century: the transatlantic slave trade.
"It is
the defining matter of our age", says the prime minister, Ralph Gonsalves,
as he peers out towards the Atlantic from the veranda of his family's secluded
villa, in the grounds of an old plantation, on the main island, St Vincent.
The
outspoken 67-year-old, who often refers to himself as "Comrade
Ralph", has been in office for almost 13 years. He says his attempt to
seek not only an apology but money from those European powers that built
fortunes through the trafficking of slaves across the ocean in front of him is
his moral duty. And it is one he pledges to devote his energies to as he
prepares to assume the leadership of Caricom, the organisation that unites the
key Caribbean states.
"We
believe we have the facts on our side. We believe we have the law on our
side," he tells the Observer. "International law is there to resolve
disputes between strong states and weaker ones."
For several
decades, activists, academics and cultural leaders have sought compensation
from European governments for the role they played in taking slaves from
central and west Africa, packing them in gruesome conditions in ships and
forcing those that survived the journey to work in the hugely profitable sugar
plantations of the Caribbean.
To date,
those efforts have not succeeded. But last June supporters of the reparation
movement were emboldened by a £19.9m out-of-court payment made by the UK to victims
of British colonial forces in Kenya. Lawyers had argued that Britain was
legally responsible for the brutal suppression and torture carried out against
the anti-colonial group the Mau Mau in the 1950s. The foreign secretary,
William Hague, publicly expressed regret for the abuses, although the UK
government never formally accepted responsibility for the actions of the
administration in Kenya.
Now
Gonsalves has instructed Leigh Day, the same London law firm that acted for the
former Mau Mau, to represent Caricom in a joint action against the UK, France
and the Netherlands. He says that, while other countries may have been
involved, the European countries cited were "the main culprits".
Martyn Day,
senior partner at Leigh Day, acknowledges that this threatened litigation is
far more complicated than the Kenyan case. Crucially, it does not involve
living individual claimants, who could be presented to court. Both the
perpetrators and the direct victims are long dead. But Day insists that it is a
very carefully considered undertaking. "The western powers should be under
no doubt as to the seriousness of the Caribbean nations about this," he
says, adding that he believes the international court in The Hague could, if
necessary, hear the case.
As yet, no
formal claim has been made or case compiled. But all 15 heads of government in
the regional Caribbean grouping have agreed to participate. Each country has
set up a reparation committee, tasked with the seemingly impossible challenge
of assessing the long-term financial cost of both eliminating native peoples
and slavery.
Their
argument, which comes at a time when many Caribbean economies are still
struggling to recover from the 2008 economic downturn, is that the legacy of
under-development is tangible. St Vincent and the Grenadines gained its
independence in 1979. "In 200 years, the British built just two schools in
St Vincent. One for boys and one for girls," says Gonsalves. "In nine
years, I have built 10."
Neither
Day, nor Gonsalves, is prepared to speculate about how much they will seek in
reparations. But Gonsalves refers to what he sees as a possible precedent. In
1833, after the abolition of slavery, the British parliament authorised a £20m
payment to British plantation owners, the equivalent of £16.5bn today. This was
deemed appropriate compensation for their loss of "property", meaning
slaves. The slaves themselves received nothing. A University of London report
published this year lists the individuals who received the payouts. Several
prominent families, including a very distant relative of David Cameron, were
among the beneficiaries.
Gonsalves
is the most vocal proponent of reparations among Caribbean leaders, despite one
anomaly that he describes as being the subject of "whispers" among
European diplomats.
The prime
minister is the descendant of indentured Portuguese servants who came to St
Vincent in the 1840s. He has no apparent African blood. He laughs off the
suggestion that his ethnic background is relevant. "I am a Caribbean
man," he says.
Not all on these
islands are convinced that seeking compensation for crimes committed more than
200 years ago is realistic or even desirable. A short ferry ride from St
Vincent is the even smaller island outpost of Bequia. Its large horseshoe
harbour is a popular stopping-off point for yachts cruising the eastern
Caribbean. The island's oldest hotel is owned by Sir James Mitchell, the second
prime minister of St Vincent and the Grenadines after independence who served
for a total of 16 years.
Mitchell,
82, rolls his eyes when the subject of reparations comes up. He describes
slavery as an "abominable exercise" but says that time, and history,
make seeking any compensation for its legacy hopelessly impractical.
"Look
at someone like me," he says, "I have a genealogy that is mixed of
Africa and Britain. So, am I going to pay, or receive, some of that money? And
what about the West Indians living in the UK? Will their taxes be paying for
this? Is that fair?"
He also
points to the millions of pounds the country receives in UK and EU development
aid. "The road to the prime minister's house was built by the European
Union," he says.
Curtis
King, a historian and teacher who is on the St Vincent reparations committee,
believes that focusing on the idea of cash payouts is missing the point.
"The idea is not to try to get a big cheque and dish out money to all and
sundry," he says. "We are looking for the establishment of a
developmental fund that will benefit the country. We are looking for something
mutually agreed upon with the British, to bring closure to a period in
history."
Britain is
opposed to the principle of reparations. A Foreign Office spokesperson said:
"The UK unreservedly condemns slavery and is committed to eliminating it.
We do not see reparations as the answer."
On Sunday
evenings outside Kingstown, local musicians gather to play in open-air concerts
by Mount Wynne's black sand beach. Calypso star Glenroy "Sullé"
Caesar composed a song called Reparations, which has since become an anthem of
the movement. "Reparation doesn't totally and necessarily mean financial
compensation," he says. "It is about recognising a wrong, about
recognising that slavery was an injustice against humanity. And about us
retrieving our history."
Day said
one concrete claim for which countries were considering requesting funding was
a world-class museum in the Caribbean to explore the history and legacy of
slavery. "It is noticeable that there is not a single such institution in
the region," he says.
Gonsalves,
who is widely expected to be seeking a fourth term in office next year, insists
he does not want to fall out with Britain. "You are not going to see me in
front of No 10 Downing Street with a placard," he says.
"I'll
have a letter delivered to the British prime minister, at the appropriate time,
for serious negotiations to begin. We have to right these historic
wrongs."
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