Civil
servants with ties to the Nazi Party were the rule rather than the exception
after World War II, according to several studies. The German government has set
out to investigate this dark period of its history.
Investigators
made a chilling discovery in November 2011: What had seemed to be unrelated 10
murders of victims of Turkish and Greek origin between 2002 and 2007 were in
fact a series of racially-motivated murders committed by a neo-Nazi terror
cell. Critics allege that security agencies like the police and particularly
the Office for the Protection of the Constiution had failed completely - and
that they had possibly even turned a blind eye to the neo-Nazi terrorists.
Parliamentary
committees and a joint federal-state commission have been charged with
investigating the state's missteps. The question that worries many is whether
whether neo-Nazi sympathizers may still occupy high German offices.
Post-1945
careers unbroken by a Nazi past
Hans Globke's government career spanned the Nazi era and post-war democracy |
In the
early days of West Germany after the war, right-wing sympathizers were
certainly present in government offices.
The better part of the Nazi's bureaucratic apparatus and personnel was simply reinstated after 1945, and silence about officials' own past shaped the intellectual climate in government institutions.
The better part of the Nazi's bureaucratic apparatus and personnel was simply reinstated after 1945, and silence about officials' own past shaped the intellectual climate in government institutions.
The most
prominent example of a career unbroken by a Nazi past is that of Hans Globke,
who served as chief of staff and a close advisor to Chancellor Konrad Adenauer
in the 1950s. Globke had formerly worked in the Nazi administration as a lawyer
who wielded significant influence in creating the Nuremberg Race Laws. That
legislation built the foundation for the discrimination and persecution against
Jews that led in part to the Holocaust.
Globke's
case does not lend itself to generalizations about the Nazi elite's post-war
fate. But it is significant that systematic investigations into continuities
within the government's personnel came so late after the end of the war.
Investigations
into the past
Guido Westerwelle with the authors of "Das Amt und die Vergangenheit" |
There is
still much research to do when it comes to uncovering how careers in German bureaucracy
continued before and after 1945. The German Foreign Ministry led the way in
2005, when then-Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer commissioned several
historians to investigate the Ministry's past. The result was published in
2010, under the title "Das Amt und die Vergangenheit" (The Office and
the Past).
In the
summer of 2011, the Social Democrats (SPD) and Green Party succeeded in their
calls for a non-partisan committee to examine the continuities and breaks among
staff in governmental agencies. The goal is to arrive at a "definitive
concept for coming to terms with the Nazi past." The petitioning parties
would like the federal government to present such a concept.
But the
former Director of the Institute for Cultural History Horst Möller and historian
Michael Stolleis advised the parliament not to issue "wide-ranging
research proposals without a problem-oriented program," and also to avoid
the appearance of "politically-motivated assignments."
Political
influence and limited access to documents
Reinhard Gehlen: a general under Hitler, later an intelligence director after the war |
In the case
of historians commissioned to investigate the past of the German Intelligence
Service, political influence was in fact too big, says intelligence expert
Erich Schmidt-Eenboom.
He also claims that the researchers unduly accepted guidelines from the head of the BND.
He also claims that the researchers unduly accepted guidelines from the head of the BND.
The
research commission's leader Klaus-Dietmar Henke as well as BND head Gerhard
Schindler disagree, with the latter having promised to provide "the
greatest possible transparency."
The
disagreements over investigating the German Intelligence Service's past
demonstrate the challenges involved with such research. In the case of an
intelligence service, the entanglement with the Nazi regime is likely to be
much more significant than in, for instance, the ministry for agriculture. It
becomes apparent, too, in the fact that the German Intelligence Service was led
by Reinhard Gehlen, a general in the military during Hitler's rule, and other
high-ranking Nazis.
Not even a
thorough investigation into the BND's history will answer all questions,
remarked Michael Hollmann, head of the Federal Archives located in Koblenz. At
a parliamentary hearing, he made it clear that historians will be able to
access most of the documents they requested, but not all of them.
Hollmann
stressed that restricting documents doesn't represent an arbitrary exercise of
power.
"The
protection of sources and methods must, as in journalism, be accepted,"
otherwise the agencies could "close up shop," Hollmann said.
'Relatively
high' continuity after 1945
In December
last year, the federal government replied to an appeal issued by the Left
Party, which had wanted to know how German political institutions had dealt
with the Nazi past.
For West
Germany, the federal government's commission noted that after the war's end,
"continuities in personnel among civil servants was relatively high."
Experts estimate that on average 70 percent of the personnel were able to
continue their work without problems after 1945 despite having been employed in
ministries and agencies during Nazi rule.
Some even
suggest that figure could be closer to 90 percent.
How could
democracy emerge?
Micha Brumlik say the Allies are to credit for the emergence of democracy in western Germany |
For
historian Micha Brumlik it is not the personnel of the federal ministries that
can be credited with the fact that a democracy emerged successfully in western
Germany after 1945. The Allies were the real initiators, he argued, noting that
former Nazi Party, SS and Gestapo members could hardly be expected to have
pushed for democracy.
And
Dresden-based historian Klaus-Dietmar Henke wonders how democracy could have
functioned so well "despite the lingering poison of Nazism and the lack of
change among staff."
Part of the
answer is likely that the several hundred thousand Nazi followers and even the
remaining Nazi culprits adjusted quickly to the new times out of concern for
their careers, just as they did in 1933 when the Nazis took power.
Though
disagreements have emerged and much work remains, uncovering such networks in
the State Department and well beyond has been a rewarding task - on that point,
the experts in the German Parliament agree.
Author: Marcel Fürstenau / gsw
Editor: Andrea Rönsberg
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